On September 5, 1989, in his first televised national address as president, George H.W. Bush called drugs "the greatest domestic threat facing our nation today," held up a bag of seized crack cocaine, and vowed to escalate funding for the war on drugs. He later approved, among other drug-related policies, the 1033 program (then known as the 1208 program) that equipped local and state police with military-grade equipment for anti-drug operations.
A few words are in order regarding the euro, which is a key feature of the liberal international order, even though it is part of a strictly European institution.83 When that currency was established in 1999, it represented a giant step forward in promoting monetary union among the member states, although there was neither fiscal nor political union to help underpin the euro. Critics at the time predicted that without fiscal and political union, the euro would eventually be plagued by significant problems.84 Many advocates recognized the problem, but thought that monetary union would ultimately lead to union on all three fronts, thus eliminating the problem. But that did not happen, and the euro encountered its first major crisis in 2009, which produced not just economic problems, but political problems as well. The crisis and the ensuing attempts to solve it brought hard-edged nationalist sentiment to the surface in Europe.
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Before this event, strikers rarely faced more than light fines and brief jail terms. But industrialists were irate at the destruction of their property. They reorganized state militias, built local armories, developed ties with the army and built their own private security forces, complete with spies and strikebreakers. This marked the beginning of a very violent fight over the right of workers to a union and to demand higher wages and shorter work days.
Kennedy also established collective bargaining rights for federal employees in 1962. Although limited in scope, it spurred state and municipal public-sector union organizing just as anti-discrimination rules were opening up public-sector jobs to African Americans and Great Society programs were expanding public-sector jobs. In 1960, only two percent of state and local public employees had the right to bargain collectively; by 1990, more than two-thirds did. The rapid expansion of public-sector unions has been a boon to both the labor movement and the growth of the black middle class.
Better training of police officers, community policing, and body cameras will not prevent racial profiling and the too-quick resort to violence by every police officer. Police violence against black people has been a problem in America since the first Africans were brought here. (It is important to remember that a century ago, state violence was a problem for striking union members, too. And some made familiar-sounding claims about the strikers, saying that if the workers had not been striking, they would not have been shot.) The solutions to these thorny issues will be found as we talk to each other, practice radical empathy and share our fears and aspirations at work, in our union halls and in our neighborhoods.
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